TIME: Almanac 1995

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<text id=93CT1717> <title> Honduras--History </title> <history> Compact ALMANAC--CIA Factbook Middle America Honduras </history> <article> <source>CIA World Factbook</source> <hdr> History </hdr> <body> Honduras has obvious similarities in language, culture, customs, and religion with its Central American neighbors. However, its historical and evolutionary pattern of development has been quite different. Since the Spanish colonists based their empire in Central America on the Meso-American Indian civilizations and their trading partners to the south, they neglected Honduras. This neglect caused difficulties long after the five Central American Republics gained independence from Spain on September 15, 1821. The disparity between the sociopolitical and economic development of Honduras and its regional neighbors exacerbated harsh partisan battles among provincial leaders, resulting in the collapse of the Central American Federation in 1838. The Honduran national hero, Gen. Francisco Morazan, was a leader in unsuccessful efforts to maintain this federation. Until 1922, the chief aim of Honduran foreign policy was to restore Central American unity. Honduras has had difficulty establishing a stable government. Since independence, the country has been plagued with nearly 300 internal rebellions, civil wars, and changes of government, more than half occurring during this century. Moreover, with a severe lack of economic infrastructure and sociopolitical integration, Honduras did not enjoy the social or economic advantages of rationalism, central decisionmaking, or substantial private investment. During the relatively stable but austere years of the Great Depression, Honduras was controlled by a harsh authoritarian, Gen. Tiburcio Carias Andino, whose ties to dictators in neighboring countries and to foreign companies on the north coast enabled him to maintain power until renewed turbulence began in 1948. By then, provincial military leaders had begun to gain control of the two major parties, the Nationals and the Liberals. After two more authoritarian civilian administrations controlled by the National Party and a general strike by radical labor unions on the north coast in 1954, young military reformists staged a palace coup in October 1955 that installed a provisional junta and paved the way for constituent assembly elections in 1957. This assembly, led by the opposition Liberal Party, appointed Dr. Ramon Villeda Morales as president and transformed itself into a national legislature for a 6-year term. Liberalism flourished during this time, as did the military. The newly created military academy, graduated its first class in 1960. The armed forces began to professionalize its leadership alongside the civilian establishment, particularly the economic establishment. These changes were particularly striking during the civilian presidency of Ramon Villeda Morales (1957-63). But in October 1963, conservative military officers preempted constitutional elections by deposing Villeda in a bloody coup. They exiled Liberal Party members and took control of the national police, which they organized into special security forces. The armed forces, led chiefly by Gen. Lopez Arrellano and his proteges in the National Party, governed until 1982. Civilian President, Ramon Cruz, (National Party) was in power for less than 1 year following elections in 1970, but he was unable to manage the government. Popular discontent had continued to rise after the 1969 border war with El Salvador, and in December 1972, Lopez staged another coup. Lopez now adopted more progressive policies, including land reform. His regime was finally brought down in the mid-1970s by successive scandals. His government had misused international emergency aid after Hurricane Fifi ravaged the north coast in 1974 and accepted large bribes in 1975 from the United Brands Company to reduce taxes on banana exports. His proteges continued modernization programs in the ensuing years, building army and security forces comparable to those of the Central American neighbors, and an air force superior to all of them. The successive regimes of Gen. Melgar Castro (1975-78) and Gen. Paz Garcia (three man junta 1978-82), largely built the current physical infrastructure and telecommunications system of Honduras. The country also enjoyed its most rapid economic growth during this period. During this time, the military slowly prep to turn the country back to civilian rule. A constituent assembly was popularly elected in April 1980, and general elections were held in November 1981. A constitution was finally approved in 1982, and the government of President Roberto Suazo Cordoba, of the Liberal Party, assumed power. Faced with severe economic recession, the threat posed by the new revolutionary Marxist government in Nicaragua, and civil war in El Salvador, Suazo was a strong supporter of U.S. policy in Central America. Close cooperation on political and military issues with the United States was complemented by ambitious social and economic development projects sponsored by the U.S. Agency for International Development (AID). Honduras became host to the largest Peace Corps mission in the world, and nongovernmental and international voluntary agencies proliferated. Most important, with strong endorsement and support from the Honduran military, the Suazo administration ushered in the first peaceful transfer of power between civilian presidents in more than 30 years when in January 1986, newly elected Jose Azcona Hoyo (Liberal Party) assumed the presidency. The Liberal Party gained power through an idiosyncracy of the electoral law, which gives the presidency to the candidate with the most votes from the party with the collective majority, rather than the candidate with the greatest plurality. Thus, National Party candidate Rafael Callejas (with 42% of the vote) peacefully conceded defeat to Azcona, whose Liberal Party won more than 50% of the vote with several candidates running. Azcona won only 27% of the national vote. The Azcona administration has faced numerous difficulties. The country's economy has endured severe pressures caused by an overvalued exchange rate, large fiscal and balance-of-payments deficits, and major structural barriers to investment and development of new exports. Nevertheless, Honduras has managed to maintain relatively lower rates of inflation, and relatively higher economic growth, than its more developed neighbors in the region. The government also is attempting macroeconomic reforms that should help to improve conditions in the future. Politically, the Azcona administration has maintained relatively good relations with the armed forces, still the most powerful institution in Honduras. Meanwhile, the National Congress has for the first time in modern history become a truly separate branch of government, expressing views on both domestic and external policy. Freedom of press and speech has continued to strengthen. There are no known political prisoners, and the privately owned media frequently exercises its right to criticism (even of the most sensational sort) without fear of reprisals. Reinforced by the media and several political watchdog organizations, human rights and civil liberties are reasonably well protected in Honduras, notwithstanding occasional highly publicized cases of abuses committed by security forces in both rural and urban areas. Compared to other countries in the region, Honduras' record on human rights is quite good. Current Political Conditions General elections for the presidency, the legislature, and municipalities will be held in November 1989. This has raised the level of domestic tension, caused by uncertainty over the future course of U.S. policy, nagging socioeconomic problems, unemployment, and the continuing concerns about Marxist Nicaragua. Much popular dissatisfaction with the Azcona administration springs from a perception of lack of progress in many developmental ares, chronic corruption, inefficiency in the civilian bureaucracy, a decline in the level of basic public sector services,and a rise since 1986 in the level of violent street crime and politically inspired extremist acts. The two major parties (Liberal and the National), are running active campaigns throughout the country. Their ideologies, primarily are centrist, particularly regarding national security issues and foreign policy. On domestic policy, the diverse factions within the Liberal Party tend to pull the party leftward from the center-right Nationals, offering more populist rhetoric--if not concrete programs--than their conservative opponents. The coalition-style Liberal/National government pact of 1986 has since disappeared in the politics of this election year. Nevertheless, the parties in the legislature continue to cooperate on many national issues. The two smaller registered parties, the Christian Democrats and the Innovation and Unity Party, remain marginal left-of-center groupings with few campaign resources and little organization. They probably command no more than the 5% of the 1985 vote and may have lost ground. Despite significant progress in training cadre and installing more skillful advisers at the top of each party ladder, electoral politics in Honduras remain traditionalist and paternalistic. Source: U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, September 1989. </body> </article> </text>